Cairo:Across the world, word that Saudi Arabia would
send women athletes to the Olympics for the first time immediately
rocketed to the top of websites and broadcasts. In Saudi Arabia’s
official media: Not even a hint.
The state-sponsored silent treatment was a lesson into the deep
intricacies and sensitivities inside the kingdom as it took another
measured step away from its ultraconservative traditions.
While Saudi rulers found room to accommodate the demands of the
International Olympic Committee to include women athletes, they also
clearly acknowledged that — in their view at least — this did not merit
billing as a pivotal moment of reform in a nation that still bans women
from driving or traveling without the approval of a male guardian.
“It does not change the fact that Saudi women are not free to move
and to choose,” said political analyst Mona Abass in neighboring
Bahrain. “The Saudis may use it to boost their image, but it changes
little.” Even the two athletes selected to compete under the Saudi flag —
800-meter runner Sarah Attar from Pepperdine University in California
and Wodjan Ali Seraj Abdulrahim Shahrkhani in judo — live outside the
kingdom and carry almost no influence as sports figures.
There is no other choice: Women sports remain nearly an underground
activity in Saudi Arabia. Ahmed al-Marzooqi, editor of a website that
aims to cover women and men’s sporting events in Saudi Arabia, viewed
Thursday’s announcement as mostly an attempt to quiet international
pressure on the lone nation trying to stick with an all-male Olympic
team.
The other former holdouts, Brunei and Qatar, had already added women
Olympic athletes — with Qatar even planning to have a woman carry its
flag in London later this month. “We are still disappointed here,”
al-Marzooqi said from the Saudi city of Jiddah.
“I should be happy for them, but this will do nothing for women who
want to be in sport in Saudi Arabia.” Still, the opening is not without
significance. The Saudi decision must have received at least some nod
from the nation’s Islamic religious establishment, which hold de facto
veto power over nearly all key moves by the Western-allied monarchy and
gives the royal court its legitimacy to rule over a nation with Islam’s
holiest sites.
The inherent two-way tug — change-resistant clerics and leaders
sensing reform pressures from the streets — has allowed enough slack for
some slow-paced movement. King Abdullah has promised to allow women to
run and vote in municipal elections in 2015. He also has tried to rein
in the country’s feared morality police while challenges to the
established order are growing bolder from a population, nearly half of
which is under the age of 30.
Saudi women activists have gotten behind the wheel to oppose the
driving ban, and bloggers churn out manifestos about how the Arab Spring
will one day hit Saudi shores. “If Saudi does field women athletes, it
is immensely interesting,” said Simon Henderson, a Saudi affairs expert
at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. “This flies against
the traditions of having a woman not make a public display of herself or
mixing with men. Now, the world could see women marching with men in
the opening ceremony and — even more — women running in competition.”
It’s impossible to gauge the internal discussions before the Saudi
Olympic decision, but Henderson speculated it could have influenced by
Abdullah’s daughter, Adila, who has been an outspoken advocate of
reforms such as ending the driving ban on women. On the other end of the
spectrum, senior Saudi clerics have issued a host of edicts against
almost all types of sporting activities for women.
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