Germany and the Jewish Problem.
By The Deutschlands Dossier
Before Auschwitz.
The following contains excerpts from the document "Germany and the Jewish
Problem" by Dr. F. K. Wiebe of the Institute for the Study of the Jewish
Problem, Berlin, which was originally prepared under the auspices of the
German Government, that was in power from 1933 - 1945. However, under the
current German laws this material absolutely may not be distributed in
Germany. This material is being republished for historical and research
purposes only. The intention of republishing parts of this material is to give
the reader a rare chance to acquaint himself with the Jewish Problem, as seen
by the National Socialist Government:
"The greater part of that kind of dealing (usury) fell
everywhere into the hands of the Jews, who,
being already infamous on account of their religion,
had no honour to lose, and were apt to exercise a profession,
odious in itself, by every kind of rigour,
and even sometimes by rapine and extortion."
Ever since the day when the National Socialists came into power in Germany,
thereby placing the solution of the Jewish problem in the forefront of German
politics, public opinion the world over has become increasingly interested in
that problem. Anti-Semitism has been frequently described as a phenomenon
exclusively confined to Germany, as a National Socialist invention, which must
necessarily remain incomprehensible to the rest of the world. But today it is
evident that the Jewish question is by no means a purely German question that
it causes on the grave anxiety to statesmen in many countries, and that in
many lands a pronounced anti-Jewish reaction has already set in. We do not
propose to inquire, for a moment, wether these phenomena are a result of the
example set by Germany. It is sufficient to register the fact that the Jewish
question has, or is about to become everywhere acute, and that there is
scarcely a country nowadays which does not find
Hence everyone who discusses Germany's attitude towards the Jewish question is
at the same time dealing with an important problem of contemporary
international politics, and, having regard to its far-reaching significance,
is in duty bound to carefully investigate that question.
It is a mistake to believe that the Jewish question has only arisen within the
last few years, or, indeed, that its origin is to be thought in modern times.
The Jewish question is not an invention of National Socialism, nor is it
derived from the antisemitic movements that marked the close of the nineteenth
century. If National Socialism can lay claim to any originality in this
matter, then only because the National Socialist Party was the first to deduce
the logical conclusions from a historical fact. The present German attitude
towards the Jewish question is based on the experience made by Europe in the
course of two thousand years. And this experience has been a particularly bad
one for Germany, especially during the last few decades.
The Jewish question undoubtedly goes back some two thousand years. Strictly
speaking it is even older -- namely, as old as the history of the Jews. The
Jewish question arises everywhere, where the nomadic Jewish race comes into
contact with other peoples having a settled abode. The historical fact is
admitted by the Jews themselves. The Jüdische Lexikon (Jewish encyclopaedia),
which is the Standard work of the German Jews -- published long before the
advent of National Socialism to power -- confirms the historical continuity of
the Jewish question throughout the century when it writes (vol. III, column
421):
"This Jewish problem is as old as the association of the pronouncedly
differentiated and dissimilar Jewish people with other peoples."
It is a unique, and in the last resort inexplicable phenomenon, that on the
one hand the Jews have never been able to find a permanent home in which to
develop a political and social existence "sui generis," while on the other
hand they have never proved capable of being absorbed by any of the
innumerable countries in which they have sought hospitality.
This peculiar destiny of the Jews is, however, subject to variations. But
these variations, in their turn, are only the perpetual ebbing and flowing of
an unbroken tide. There were times in which the Jewish problem appeared to
have become completely assimilated and to have lost their distinct ethnically
personality. In such halcyon days no Jewish problem seemed to exist. But
sooner or later the illusion was dispelled and after many years of comparative
rest and quiet Ahasuerus was compelled to again resume eternal wanderings.
The first expulsions of Jews on a large scale occurred already in the earliest
history of Palestine. 700 years before the Christian era, the Assyrian King
Sarrukin forced the Jews to leave the country and his example was followed in
586 BC by King Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon. Persecutions in Alexandria and the
destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans in AD 70 opened a period in which the
Jewish question was not less acute than it is today. Further milestones in the
eternal wanderings of the Jews are the crusades, the expulsion of the Jews
from England under Edward I in 1290 and their expulsion from Spain under
Ferdinand and Isabella the Catholic in 1492. There is not a single century in
which an expulsion of Jews has not taken place. Every nation in Europe has
sought to preserve itself against Jewish domination by all means at its
disposal.
It is an incontrovertible historical fact that those peoples with a settled
abode who throughout the ages afforded hospitality to nomadic Jewish tribes,
invariably regarded the latter as an essentially dissimilar race and not
merely as a different religious community. Hence hospitality was only granted
to the Jews under special conditions. It is interesting to observe in this
connection that in every case where a European State was weak and financially
impoverished, the restrictions imposed on the Jews were greatly relaxed and
eventually abrogated. The numerical preponderance of the Jews in Eastern
Europe -- which has become the reservoir of Jewry in modern times -- is to a
large extent attributable to the political and financial weakness of the
former Kingdom of Poland.
The opening of the so-called "modern era" seemed nevertheless to herald a
period of permanent peace and rest for the hitherto restless wandering Jew. It
was the era of enlightenment, of liberalism, of belief in the ideals of
progress and the rights of man. Conformably with the principles in vogue in
this era, the Jews only differed by their religion from other citizens and as
such enjoyed equality with the adherents of other religious bodies. They were
no longer considered as appertaining to a different race, in other words as
strangers. Differentiation on ethnically grounds between the Jews and the
native population was on principle abolished by the French Revolution, and
this principle was adhered to alike by the legislation and the social custom
of ensuing decades.
The nineteenth century was thus dominated by the tenet of the emancipation and
assimilation of the Jews. It was considered best not even to mention the
Jewish question and to act as if such a question did not exist. In the
countries of Western Europe the Jews were animated by an intense desire for
assimilation. Conversions and mixed marriages were the principal means
employed by the Jews for acquiring, in the words of Heinrich Heine, himself a
Jew, an "admission ticket to European culture", and thereby acquiring a
preponderating influence in political, cultural, and economic life. It should
be added that a number of Jews were inspired by a sincere desire to
through-off their skin and obliterate as far as possible their hereditary
tracks.
The process of assimilation reached its culminating point in the first three
decades of the first twentieth century, during which Israel became King of the
Western world. But it cannot be reasonably doubted that this epoch has clearly
perceived the inevitability of a reaction. Forty years ago a leading German
Jew, Dr. Walter Rathenau, in a book entitled "Höre, Israel", had criticised
the policy of assimilation and uttered a warning for the benefit of those of
his co-racists who occupied, or were about to occupy, prominent position in
Germany.
"They apparently do not even dream," wrote Rathenau, "that only in an epoch in
which all the forces of Nature are artificially enchained, can they be
protected against that, which their fathers endured."
That modern Jewry did not heed the many warning voices in its own ranks
affords another proof of the fact that the Children of Israel have not learnt,
or wish to learn, the lessons taught by their own fate -- that they are blind
to the errors so often committed by themselves in their self-complacency. It
is also typical of the Jewish mind that even Walter Rathenau himself failed to
draw the logical consequences from his own perception of ultimate events.
Some forty years ago a comparatively small number of Jews, headed by Dr.
Theodore Herzl, founded what is known as the Zionist movement in the conscious
recognition of the uselessness -- nay, harmfulness - of the "assimilation
policy," and of the consequences that were bound to follow. The Zionist
movement represented an effort to avoid those consequences.
Influenced by the anti-Semitic movement that arose in France at the close of
the nineteenth century in connection with the Dreyfus case, Herzl proclaimed
to his co-racists the doctrine:
"Return to Palestine."
Such a doctrine, although backed by an energy inspired by Herzl's lofty
persuasive idealism, appeared nothing short of astonishing at a time when the
so-called "assimilation policy" had reached its zenith. Hence it was
explicable that Herzl's exhortation found a resounding echo chiefly among the
great mass of East European Jews, in Jewry's immense reservoir in Poland,
Lithuania, and Rumania. These Jews had never had any share in the benefits of
emancipation and "assimilation." Their economic and social position was as a
general rule unsatisfactory, and their political situation was such as to
render them particularly susceptible to an appeal to found their own national
home in an independent Jewish State.
But despite their numerical superiority, these East European Jews were of
minor importance from the point of view of the realisation of Herzl's
ambitious plans, for they lacked both economic and political significance.
Economically and politically, the influence of the West European and North
American Jews was decisive, and for these the novel doctrine preached by Herzl
was like unto the seed sown on rocky and hence unfruitful ground. Blinded by
the alluring glitter of an artificial "golden age, the Western Jews had only
an ironically smile for what they considered as the vagaries of Zionism, to
which, moreover, they were profoundly hostile. And even after this much
derided Zionism had assumed a more or less concrete shape in the following
decades, the participation of Western Jews in the movement was almost
exclusively confined to financial support. Practical Zionists among them were
very few in number.
On the other hand, Herzl's plan to establish a Jewish National Home soon
awaken great interest among Western nations which had the questionable
privilege of harbouring the descendants of Abraham. Already in 1903 Joseph
Chamberlain - the father of the present Prime Minister - in his capacity as
Colonial Secretary, submitted, on behalf of the British Government, a plan for
establishing a Jewish settlement on a large scale in Uganda. The realisation
of this practical plan, which was laid before the Zionist Congress in Basel,
was frustrated by the doctrinaire attitude of the Zionists, who insisted on an
exclusive settlement of the Jews in Palestine.
It will thus be seen that the British Government recognised expressly the
existence of the Jewish question, and the necessity of its solution, at a time
when believe in the blessings of an "assimilation of the Jewish race"
prevailed without contestation in Germany.
In 1917 Zionism won a decisive victory with the publication of the Balfour
Declaration by the British Government, which promised unreserved British
support of the endeavour to create a Jewish National Home in Palestine. The
fulfilment of this promise began shortly after the Great War. But after the
lapse of twenty years the failure of the effort is obvious. In the light of
experience, Herzl's scheme has been proved impracticable. Herzl did not
foresee the wave of anti-Semitism, which is now sweeping over Europe - or, at
any rate, did not calculate its rapidity.
It is not necessary to discuss here recent events in Palestine, which are not
the first of their kind, since Palestine has been in a condition of chronic
unrest from the first day when the Jews entered the country. Even if the
existing difficulties in Palestine were to be surmounted, the objections which
have invariably been raised against the utopian theories of Zionism would
continue to retain their validity, if only for the following reasons, which
are best enumerated seriatim:
1) In the mandated territory of Palestine, Jewry would necessarily be
dependent on the Mandatory State. It would depend on the favour of the
Mandatory State, i.e. on the alternating currents of political evolution.
2) Up to now, the Zionist movement has succeeded in settling some 400.000 Jews
in Palestine. On the other hand, Palestine counts over 900.000 Arab
inhabitants, whose forefathers have lived in the country for more than
thousand years. The Arabs contest -- and rightly contest -- the Jewish claim
to regard Palestine as a Jewish National Home. And behind the Palestinian
Arabs are 32 million Arabs in the Near East and Egypt. Whatever agreement may
be reached regarding a delimitation of the respective rights, it is safe to
say that under existing circumstances the creation of a Jewish State in
Palestine of any dimensions worth mentioning, or, indeed, of any viable Jewish
State at all, is more than hypothetical.
3) The exodus of the Jews from Palestine began 2000 years ago. Since then the
Jews have had no contact whatsoever with the country in which they now seek to
establish their domination.
4) The Jews who are now endeavouring to create a Jewish State in Palestine
have long since ceased to have any common culture. In the course of its
wanderings, the Jewish race has lost its cultural autonomy -- if exception be
made of the Jewish religion, which has also been abandoned by the hundreds of
thousands of "assimilated Jews." On the other hand it has absorbed any amount
of heterogeneous cultural elements. The Jews are not even united by the tie of
a common language, since only a small minority has a knowledge of Hebrew,
whilst Yiddish is spoken almost exclusively by the East European Jews.
5) The utopian character of the proposal to constitute a Jewish State in
Palestine is, perhaps best proved by a study of the structure of Jewish
communities in other lands, which shows that the Jews are solely adapted to
certain conditions of urban life, and that they lack, in general, all capacity
for agriculture or manual labour.
Having regard to these circumstances, it cannot be seriously doubted that the
plan of creating a Jewish State in Palestine is entirely utopian. Only a more
or less insignificant fraction of the sixteen million odd orthodox Jews in the
world could ever hope to find a home in Palestine. Theodore Herzl's plan for
enabling the Jews to escape the threatening peril of anti-Semitism has proved
impracticable and has not succeeded in solving the Jewish problem. --
Thus what we may call the "assimilation era" has come to an end after about
150 years, without any possibility for the Jews to escape in time the
inevitable consequences of an unavoidable reaction..
There can be no doubt whatever that the counter-current of anti-Semitism is
rapidly increasing in strength the world over. Even a cursory glance at the
papers of many lands suffices to show that the responsible leaders of states
in all corners of the globe are compelled in varying degrees to take account
of this phenomenon. Foreign critics who maintain that anti-Semitism is limited
to Germany may be reminded of the well known words of the Zionist champion Dr.
Chaim Weizmann that the world is divided into two groups, namely,
Countries, which desire to expel the Jews, and those, which do not desire
to receive them.
.......This was clearly shown at the international conference at Evian,
convened in the summer 1938 for the purpose of dealing with the problem of
Jewish emigration, but which failed to achieve any concrete result for the
reason that none of the numerous States represented at the conference was
willing to declare its readiness to admit Jewish refugees.
It has been proved beyond any possibility of a doubt that Jewish refugees,
fleeing before the menace of anti-Semitism in the lands in which they were
formerly domiciled, bring with them the deadly anti-Semitic bacillus into the
promised land in which they had fondly hoped to found a new home. Thereby is
once more proved the fact, solidly established by the experience of
millenniums, that Jewry and anti-Semitism are interchangeable terms, that the
Wandering Jew is himself the carrier and transmitter of the antisemitic germ.
Hence it is explicable that in countries in which anti-Semitism was formerly
unknown, and to which Jewish emigrants have recently flocked, anti-Semitism
currents should have been created, sufficiently strong for no Government to be
able to ignore them.
.......Indeed, it is scarcely surprising that Germany's policy towards the
Jews should have had such a resounding echo throughout the world. Germany is
suffering the fate of all those, who, whether nations or individuals, have
sufficient courage and sense of responsibility to practise and defend a
conviction fundamentally opposed to the dominating principles of the times. No
great human achievement has been accomplished, save at the cost of struggle
and sacrifice. Everyone who revolts against the tyranny of antiquated dogmas
brings upon himself the odium, which inevitably falls on the revolutionary
innovator. The protagonists of the French Revolution were confronted by the
solidarity of the whole of the rest of Europe when they sought to substitute
the great slogan of liberalism for the worn-out tenets of absolutism.
Germany's attitude towards the Jewish question can be rightly understood only
if we consider it from the standpoint of a philosophy of history based on the
conception of the race as fundamental factor of social revolution -- i.e. of
the philosophy which from the outset has inspired the National Socialist to
reconstruct and reorganise the entire life of the German nation. According to
this philosophy, the differentiation and variety of the heterogeneous human
races, as well as of the peoples who descend from them, constitute an
essential element of the Divine creative purpose. Providence has assigned to
each people the task of freely and fully developing its own specific
characteristic traits. Hence it is contrary to the Divine purpose if a people
allow its destiny to be shaped by extraneous forces; and such people will
assuredly perish in the struggle for existence. The question of the intrinsic
value of such forces is irrelevant. The sole thing that
No clearer demonstration of this truth has been furnished in the history of
the world than by the downfall of the Roman empire, which was doomed from the
moment when the ancient Roman element that formed its nucleus began to be
stifled by the inroad of foreign influences. The whole life -- political,
social, economic, military -- of the Roman Empire was finally dominated by
alien influences, the result being a racial and cultural syncretism which
could not but prove fatal to the Empire in the long run.
The family, as the cell of the social community, is naturally subject to the
same law of heredity as the aggregate. Those peoples who are derived from the
Germanic race, to cite only this particular example, have a strong developed
family instinct. They know, thanks to instinctive intuition fortified by
hereditary experience, that the destiny of every family is determined
throughout successive generations by the predominance of certain biological
and traditional factors. Hence in all families where the consciousness of this
truth has not been obliterated, the greatest possible care is invariably taken
that there shall be no admixture of new blood susceptible of adulterating the
racial composition or debasing the traditional standard of the family. A
number of families illustrious in history have consistently maintained this
standard by a rigorous adherence to the principle of consanguinity.
Germany, started from a philosophy of history based on the principle of racial
differentiation, in the first country to have consistently drawn the
conclusions resulting from the lessons of the past two thousand years in
regard to the Jewish question. Those lessons have taught us the reason why the
attempt to solve that question by means of the abortive attempt to assimilate
the Jews was pre-doomed to failure. Those lessons have proved to the hilt the
utter impossibility of assimilating the Jews, and have shown the inevitability
of the periodical recurrence of anti-Semitism in consequence.
The lessons taught by the past two thousand years may be resumed as
follows:
1) The Jewish question is not a religious, but exclusively a racial question.
The Jews, the overwhelming majority of whom are of Oriental, i.e. Eastern
descent, have no racial affinity whatever with the peoples of Europe. It
should be observed that the attitude of the German Government towards the
Jewish question is dictated solely by the fact that the Jews are an alien
race, without any consideration of the intrinsic value of the specific
qualities of that race.
Even in the era of emancipation, during which the Jews were on principle
incorporated in the national communities of the world, and which was
characterised by the "conversion" of millions of Jews to Christianity, it
proved impossible to blot out the traces of their ineradicably alien nature.
Sufficient evidence of this fact is forthcoming from Jewish sources. In the
book "Hör, Israel", the late Walther Rathenau wrote:
"In the life of the German national the Jews are a clearly differentiated
alien race ... In the Marches of Brandenburg they are like unto an Asiatic
horde."
The wellknown Jewish author Jacob Klatzkin expressed himself with refreshing
candour in his work "Krisis und Entscheidung im Judentum" (1921) as follows:
"Everywhere we are strangers in the lands in which we live, and it is our
inflexible resolve to maintain our racial idiosyncrasy."
Both testimonials were furnished at a time when the emancipation of the Jews
in Germany had reached its culminating point.
2) For the past 2000 years the Jewish race has been perpetually on the move.
The whole world is its home, conformably with the motto ubi bene, ibi patria.
True to their destiny, the Jews will never admit being bound by any national
ties. The abnormal structure of the Jewish community, in which neither peasant
nor handicrafts men find a place, renders it impossible for the Jews to adapt
themselves to the conditions of life in the countries which give them
hospitality.
3) Racial predisposition and historical destiny combine to incline the Jews to
certain categories of activity, whose sphere of influence is, by their very
nature, international. It is consequently explicable that, during the era of
emancipation, the Jews should have successful sought to obtain control of a)
public opinion, b) the stock and share markets, c) wholesale and retail trade,
d) certain influential cultural organisations, and last, but not least, e)
political life.
At the close of the emancipation era in Germany, the Jews enjoyed practical
monopoly of all the professions exerting intellectual and political influence.
This enabled them to stamp their entirely alien features on the whole public
life of the country.
4) One of the results achieved by the policy of "assimilation" during the era
of emancipation was the release of the Jews in Eastern Europe from their
ghettos, and their emigration to the more liberal-minded States of Western
Europe and North America. Between 1890 and 1900, some 200.000 East European
Jews found their way into Great Britain. The number of Jews who emigrated to
the United States between 1912 and 1935 is computed at upwards of 1.500.000.
If the Jewish question has today attained such vital importance, this is to a
large extent due to those migrations of Jews -- migrations which, on one hand,
demonstrated the illusory nature of the theory of the Jews' capacity for
assimilation, and, on the other Hand, hastened the process of the domination
of West European and North American States by Jewish elements.
The process in question had been practically completed in Germany before the
advent of National Socialism to power. An alien race, without roots in German
soil and without even the most remote affiliation with the German people, had
taken possession of Germany. The poison of an alien spirit, of an alien manner
of thinking, had been instilled, cunningly and systematically, into the German
mind. Hence the whole German organism necessarily conveyed a totally
misleading impression to an observer from outside. National Socialism was
therefore faced by the urgent necessity of solving a problem, which vitally
affected the very existence of the German nation.
......Since a solution of the Jewish problem by means of the assimilation of
the Jewish race, of its absorption in German national life, had proved wholly
impossible, there remained to the National Socialists but the single
alternative of solving the Jewish question by the elimination of that
unassimilable race from Germany.
.....It is incontestable -- in fact no attempt has been made to deny or even
to minimise the fact -- that the policy of the German Government towards the
Jews has entailed numerous hardships -- amounting in certain individual cases
to a positive miscarriage of justice. It cannot be denied that a number of
Jews effected by recent legislative measures directed against their race
honestly felt themselves to be thorough-going Germans. Such Jews had done
their best to render service to the State as functionaries, artists, men of
letters, scientists, and - last but not least - as soldiers in the Great War.
But in order to understand the German attitude towards the Jewish question it
is necessary to go still farther - to remember that the unceasing encroachment
of the Jews on the entire public life of Germany within the last few decades
finally resulted in a terrible national catastrophe. The disastrous end of the
Great War for Germany, followed as it was by complete political and economic
collapse, by cultural and moral deterioration, by unemployment on a colossal
scale with its impoverishment of all social classes to a degree hitherto
undreamt of in modern times - this epoch of Germany's greatest and most cruel
humiliation coincided with the final triumph of the Jewish emancipation, with
the culminating point of Jewish ascendancy in Germany, just as the
aforementioned writer in the Times had prophesied in 1916.
Already more than a generation ago, one of the most sincere and far sighted
minds in international Jewry, the late Zionist leader Theodore Herzl,
described this interdependence of general distress and Jewish ascendancy in a
passage of his Zionistische Schriften (vol. I, pp. 238/9), which is by no
means applicable solely to Germany, but which has, on the contrary, universal
validity. Therein Herzl characterised as follows the part played by the Jews:
"There are among them a few persons who hold in their hands the financial
threads that envelops the world. A few persons who absolutely control the
shaping of the most vitally important conditions of life of the nations. Every
invention and innovation are for their sole benefit, whilst every misfortune
increases their power. And to what use do they put this power? Have they ever
placed it at the service of any moral ideal _ nay, have they ever placed it at
the disposal of their own people, who are in dire distress? ...
Without those persons no war can be waged and no peace be concluded. The
credit of States and individual enterprises are alike at the mercy of their
rapacious ambition. The inventor must humbly wait at their door, and in their
arrogance they claim to sit in judgement on the requirements of their fellow
beings."
.......It is essential, in the first place, to get an accurate picture of the
numeral significance of German Jews in those days, as well as their regional
distribution within the Reich and their social structure. The result of the
census in 1925 - the last to be held before national socialism took over power
- showed that out of a total population of 62.5 millions were 546.379
professing the Jewish faith. This was less than 1 per cent of the total
population.
.......One of the main objective of this Jewish migration was Berlin, the
capital of the Reich, were the number of Jews had become trebled between 1871
and 1910, (36,000 -- 90,000). In this metropolis, the centre of national,
political and cultural activity, Jews had established their headquarters. Here
they were able to develop unhampered their own peculiar racial
characteristics.
The 1925 census returns for Berlin showed that there were 172,500 Jews or 4.25
per cent out of a total population of approximately 4 millions. This
percentage is four times greater than the percentage of Jews in the whole
German population. Berlin, the capital of Prussia, the largest of the federal
states therefore possessed 42 per cent of the 400,000 Prussian Jews.
Twenty-five per cent of these 172,500 Berlin Jews were aliens. This fact alone
illustrates clearly the total lack of Jewish affinity for national ties and
national sentiment. Nearly one-quarter or 18.5 per cent of the Jews in Prussia
possessed foreign nationality.
To be able to appreciate the true significance of these figures, one must bear
in mind that Jewry in the large cities was able to attain such numeral
significance despite the fact that it was subject to a number of restrictive
factors. These could only be made good by a constant immigration from the
East, particularly during and after the Great War. It is this Eastern
immigration of low-class, mean and morally unscrupulous Jews, which has given
the German Jewish problem its particular harsh note.
......It is self-evident that the complete one-sided distribution of German
Jews and their systematic migration to, and concentration in, the large urban
areas was an unsound policy and disastrous not only for the Jews but also for
the national life of Germany.
But the structure of professional life also suffered from this morbid
one-sidedness. Here statistics show that Jewry was a tree without roots,
without any anchorage whatsoever in social life. This abnormal social
composition was responsible for the fact that the Jews exclusively preferred
the commercial professions and steered clear of all manual work.
These fact, can be checked by the results of the trades records established in
the various German federal states in 1925. In Prussia, Wurttemberg and Hessen,
these census gave the following results in regard to the percentage of the
Jews employed in the various groups:
Group Prussia Wurttemberg Hessen
Trade & Commerce: 58.8% 64.6% 69%
Industry:
25.8% 24.6%
22%
Agriculture:
1.7% 1.8%
4%
It is often asserted that external pressure, political and social
considerations, as well as ghetto and boycott have squeezed the Jews out of
handicraft trades and forced them into commercial spheres. Here however we
must reply by stating that in rural districts, particularly in the former
province of Posen and in Hessen-Nassau, the Jews had every opportunity of
working as farmers or craftsmen. There were certainly no restrictions placed
on them. But they preferred to deal in cattle, corn or fertilisers and
especially in money which brought them rich reward.
Felix A. Theilhaber, the well-known Jewish economist, reporting his
observations on the causes of Jewish disintegration in "Der Untergang der
Deutschen Juden - The Decline and Fall of Germany Jewry - (Berlin 1921),
confirms the fact that so-called primitive production is not in keeping with
Jewish characteristics. He admits, primarily, that racial talents forced the
Jews into the so-called business professions as they are more easily able to
guarantee commercial success and material security. Theilhaber finally arrived
at the following conclusion:
"Agriculture has little material attraction for German Jews ...Racial
instincts, traditions and economic pre-conditions compel them to choose other
professions ... Hence it is natural that certain types dominate in German
Jewry, for example, clothiers, agents, lawyers and doctors. Jewish
characteristics and peculiarities are also evident in other branches
(departmental stores, furs, tobacco and even the press. One peculiar Jewish
feature is the craving for individualism, the urge to become independent and
wealthy."
Among the intellectual professions named by this Jewish author, that of
medicine and law were the two most attractive. They were the professions that
offered most material gain. Jewish influence in these professions was
therefore most marked and assumed a dominating character.
In 1932 there were approximately 50,000 German medical practitioners of which
6,488, or 13%, were Jews. That is to say, a figure ten times greater than that
to, which they were entitled on the basis of population ratio.
In Berlin, the capital of the Reich, the percentage of the Jewish doctors was
still greater. This figure was 42% and 52% for the panel doctors. In the
leading Berlin hospitals 45% of all the doctors were Jews.
An abnormal and disproportionate state of affairs also existed in the legal
professions as compared with the population ratio. In 1933 there were 11,795
lawyers practising in Prussia of which 3,350 or nearly 30% were Jews; 2,051 or
33% of the total number of 6,236 public notaries were Jews. In Berlin itself
the percentage was much higher, bordering between 48% and 56%.
Further consideration must be given to the fact that the administration of
justice was chiefly in the hands of orthodox Jews. The position was similar in
regard to the professorship at various leading German universities. The table
below furnishes the statistics of three of these universities in 1931. Not
only the law and medical faculties are quoted but the philosophical as well in
order to show the abnormal Jewish penetration:
Faculty Berlin:
Breslau: Frankfurt a. M.:
Law........ (44teachers 23 teachers Jewish teachers)
15 Jews, 34% 6 Jews, 26%
total 33%
Medicine...... (265 teachers 101 teachers Jewish teachers)
118 Jews, 43%
3 Jews, 43% total 33%
Philosophy..... (268 teachers 107 teachers Jewish teachers)
85 Jews, 31%
26 Jews, 25% total 32%
Two of the most important phases of public life viz. law and public health
were thus in danger of coming under complete Jewish control.
Jewish penetration into German economic life was still more pronounced. In
strict accordance with the objectives refereed to in the previous chapter,
trade and commerce were the principle spheres in which Jews centred their
attention. ......In 1931, Dr. Alfred Marcus, the Jewish statistician
previously referred to, carefully examined Jewish participation in individual
branches of German trade in his book "Die Wirtschaftliche Krise der deutschen
Juden," - The Economic Crisis of German Jews. His investigations led to the
following remarkable results:
In 1930, 346 or 57% of the total of 603 firms in the metal trades were in
Jewish hands; in scrap-metal there were 514 firms of which 211 or 41% were
Jews; grain merchants totalled 6.809 of which 1,543 or 22.7% were Jews;
textile wholesalers numbered 9,984 of which 3,938 or 39.4% were Jews; in the
ladies dress branch there were 81 Jewish firms out of a total of 133, or
60.9%. In the art and booksellers trades, both of which possess an extremely
cultural value, many of the most important firms were Jewish. We need only
mention S. Fischer, Cassirer, Flechtheim, Ullstein and Springer.
Still more important is the financial or banking business. Here well-nigh
every leading business was in the hands of the Jews. A few individual
instances can be quoted. Both the governing directors of the Deutsche Bank and
Discontogesellschaft (1929) and four of its twelve board members were Jews.
The chairman, two vice-chairmen and three of the five governing members of the
board of the Darmstädter and Nationalbank were Jews. The chairman,
vice-chairman and three of the seven members of the governing board of the
Dresdener Bank (1928) were Jews. Finally, every one of the three owners of the
Berliner Handelsgesellschaft were also Jews.
The big private banks were also nearly in Jewish hands. We need only recall
such well-known firms as Arnhold, Behrens, Warburg, Bleichroder, Mendelsohn,
Goldschmidt, Rothschild, Dreyfuss, Bondi and Maron, Aufhauser, Oppenheim,
Levy, Speyer-Ellissen, Heimann, Stern.
By means of these key positions in the financial world Jewish influence
penetrated by way of the board of directors to every section of German
industry. The Adress Buch der Direktoren und Aufsichsrate - A guide to Company
Directors & Boards of Management -published in 1930, i.e. long before the
National Socialists assumed power, proves the alarming influence of Jewish
capital or capital controlled by Jews on German economic life.
Outstanding among Jewish financiers in this respect was Jacob Goldschmidt, a
member of the boards of no less than 115 companies. He was closely followed by
Louis Hagen, a Jewish banker, with 62 appointments. Third on the list was a
Christian lawyer, followed successively by four Jewish bankers who together
held 166 positions on the boards of various companies. Further down this list
Jews continued to play a very prominent role.
This concentration of business-company authority in the hands of a small group
of Jewish financiers was certainly not compatible with a conscientious
fulfilment of the exacting duties of a company director. On the other hand no
effort or work was necessary in producing extraordinary handsome returns. This
was one of the most important factors that led to discrediting the political
and economic systems of that period, and also formed one of the causes which
led to a widespread growth of anti-Semitism among the broad masses in Germany.
The domination of German industry by a system of Jewish boards of business
directors certainly went hand in hand with direct Jewish penetration and
subsequent control of industrial production. The complicated nature of this
vast field and its complex structure makes it possible to give only a few
illustrations which, however, by no means exhaust the real extent of Jewish
expansion.
In the electrical branch for example, this company was controlled by the Jew
Merton, head of the Frankfurt Metal Bank. The Osram Company, the leading
electric globe concern, was controlled by Meinhardt, a Jew. The Continental
Rubber Company in Hanover, Germany's largest productive plant, and the Calmon
Rubber Company at Hamburg were controlled by Jews.
Adler, Oppenheim, Salamander and Conrad Tack & Co., four Jewish firms,
dominated the entire German leather industry. The iron market was controlled
by the Jew Ottmar Strauss. Hugo Herzfeld, a Jew, exercised a decided influence
in the potash industry. In the mining industry section, Paul Silverberg
dominated the Rheinish lignite or brown coal industry whilst two
co-religionists, the Petschek brothers had a similar function in the Central
German lignite district.
Jewish participation was also extraordinary large in industrial organisations
and in official organs of German economic life. This influence was
particularly pronounced in the Chambers of Commerce and Industry. To quote one
example: The Berlin Chamber of Commerce and Industry, the largest of its kind
in Germany, had 98 members in 1931 of which no less than 50 were Jews. Four
hundred of the 1,300 members attached to the Chamber as advisory were Jews,
whilst 131 of the 209 commercial judges appointed by the Chamber were also
Jews. The Chamber itself was presided over by a President and five
vice-presidents. The president himself and three of his deputies were Jews.
The position was far worse on the exchange. We need do no more than give the
Berlin Exchange, the most important one in Germany, as an example. Twenty-five
of the 36 committee members of the Securities and Bonds Exchange were Jews.
Twelve of the 16 committee members of the Produce Exchange were Jews and ten
of the 12 committee members of the Metal Exchange were also Jews. The
committee of the whole Exchange was composed of 70 members of whom 45 were
Jews. Attendance at the Exchange was also more or less a Jewish monopoly. In
1930 for example, the attendance at the Securities and Bonds Exchange totalled
1,474 of which number approximately 1,200 were Jews. The Produce Exchange had
an attendance of 578 of which 520 were Jews, and at the Metal Exchange out of
an attendance of 89 there were 80 Jews.
It is obvious that the Reichsbank, the official bank for the issue of paper
money, was in no position to resist permanently this well-nigh Jewish monopoly
of capital and economic interests. The result was that in the period between
1925 and 1929 four of the six members of the controlling board of the
Reichsbank directors were Jews. All three members of the Central Council of
the Reichsbank and two of their deputies were Jews.
It is necessary now to supplement the aforementioned quantitative analysis of
Jewish participation in German economic life by a qualitative one in which the
following facts must be born in mind:
When compiling the aforementioned statistics in regard to certain professions
in the various German states since 1925, it was ascertained that in Prussia,
the largest State, out of a total of approximately 3 million employed in the
professions - either independently or in leading capacities - approximately
92,0000 were orthodox Jews. This means that 48% of all Jews professionally
employed held leading positions, whereas the corresponding ratio for the
reminder of the population amounted to only 16%.
If we compare this with the Jewish share in the non-independent manual work
branch, then the whole abnormal social structure of Jewry stands revealed in
its true light: Whereas Prussia in 1925 employed approximately 8.5 million
ordinary workers (i.e. 46.9 %) of the sum total of all in employment), Jews
totalled only 16,000 i.e. (8.4% of all Jews in employment). The percentage of
Jews (which in the leading positions was three times greater than that of the
whole population) dropped therefore in the manual trades to one-sixth of the
figure for the rest of the population, and for all practical purposes had
reached zero.
This supplementary qualitative assessment makes it perfectly plain that prior
to the National Socialist regime the whole German economic life had reached
that alarming stage where it was under foreign domination by Jews and
principally by Jews in leading key positions.
It is not surprising that this powerful domination of German economic life
should express itself in abnormally high incomes for members of the Jewish
community. It is difficult of course to give accurate figures in this respect.
We will, however, limit our slices to the statistics furnished to us by the
Jewish statistician, Alfred Marcus, to whom reference has already been made.
Marcus estimated the average Jewish income for 1930 as 3.2 times the average
income of the rest of the population. Summarising the aforementioned
particulars, it must be emphasised once more that the Jews concentrated
themselves exclusively on commercial and financial undertakings and assumed
therein absolute leading positions. Abnormal concentration of Jews in large
cities, particularly in Berlin, must not be forgotten.
It does not require much intelligence to realise that such an abnormal social
and regional structure ultimately lead to a state of severe tension, if not to
serious disturbances in public life. This would have taken place in any case
even if the Jews had wisely adapted themselves to the requirements of the
country which was given them shelter. These tensions had to lead to an
explosion one day if Jewry, blinded by the lustre of its fortunes continued to
exercise no restraint in displaying its foreign racial characteristics. But
nowhere have Jews been more downright unrestrained than during the era of
economic and political corruption which Germany experienced after the Great
War.
It is understandable that Germany, as the loser of the war, became infected to
a particularly acute degree with the germ of corruption. During its most
distressful period of trial and tribulation - the result of the Dictate of
Versailles - Germany therefore became acquainted with Jewry as the exploiters
and beneficiaries of its national misfortunes. No other country can point to a
similar experience.
Jews in German press
.......Jews have always possessed a special aptitude for
journalism and the organisation of press work. Accordingly, they played a
prominent part in the establishment of German newspapers. Hardly any other
function has given them so much power as their influence on the press. They
soon proved however, that they had little or no interest in that sense of high
moral obligation, which is the duty of those who are responsible for
influencing public opinion. On the contrary, their interests were primarily
centred in the rich possibilities for material gain. If one examines the
Jewish controlled German press on the last decades, one realises that for
purely material reasons it serves a craving for sensation, for vanity and the
lower instincts of the masses. Circulation was increased in proportion as
newspapers undermined in the most grave manner all respect for morals, law and
order.
The two largest German newspaper concerns were, before 1933, in Jewish hands:
viz. Ullstein and Mosse. Both these firms were founded by Jews and their
directorates and editorial staffs were comprised of nearly all Jews. ....
The circulation of this largest newspaper concern averaged 4 million daily.
They published five large daily newspapers, several weekly papers and many
periodicals and magazines of every description. The Ullstein News Agency
influenced a great number of provincial papers. In addition to this, Ullstein
possessed also an extensive book publishing branch.
The whole of the shares in this vast concern were held by the five Ullstein
brothers. The directorate consisted of these brothers, three other Jews and
only two Christian.
The largest newspaper issued by this concern was the Berliner Morgenpost which
had a larger circulation than any other German paper (more than 600.000
daily). Besides a Jewish editor this paper had in 1927 ten other Jews as
members of the editorial staff. The editorial staff of the Vossische Zeitung,
an extremely influential political organ, was in charge of the Jew Georg
Bernhard and fourteen Jewish sub-editors. Bernhard at that time was keen on
making a name for himself in politics. The position in regard to the remaining
Ullstein papers was practicable the same.
Mosse Publishers and Printers.
This firm was, as far as size is concerned, not so important as Ullstein. Its
daily circulation was 350.000. Established and maintained as a family concern
by the Eastern Jew, Rudolf Mosse (formerly Moses), its influence was none the
less very great. Its chief publication was the Berliner Tageblatt established
long before 1933. It was this paper which for many years was looked upon
abroad as representative of German public opinion.
The Editor of this paper was the Theodor Wolff, who also took a prominent part
in politics. Apart from him, the important positions on the editorial staff
were filled by seventeen other Jews. In five important capitals outside the
Reich the Berliner Tageblatt was represented by Jews.
Another paper issued by this concern was the Acht-Uhr-Abendblatt, another
political influential publication in which Jews were dominant with a chief
editor and eight co-religionists as sub-editors..
It was only natural that the rest of the German press could play only a very
insignificant part when compared with the activities of these two mammoth
concerns. Neither the provincial press with its economic disunity nor the
publishing house of August Scherl - the only large Christian undertaking in
the capital - were able to exercise influence sufficient to seriously
challenge the united power of the these two big all-Jewish undertakings.
That the Marxist party press was overwhelmingly directed and influenced by
Jews has already been stated above. Moreover the official press department of
the government - particularly in Prussia - were also in charge of Jews. The
three most important press departments in Prussia, the largest of the German
federal state were, 1930 for example, in charge of four Jews.
It was therefore only a matter of course that the professional and economic
organisations of German journalists came directly under Jewish influence. The
largest of these organisations the Reichsverband der Deutschen Presse - the
German Press Association - was directed for many years and until 1933 by the
Jewish chief editor of the Vossische Zeitung, Georg Bernhard. In the Verein
Berliner Presse - the Berlin Press Union - Which was the leading social and
benefit society for all journalists in the capital, the right to nominate and
elect members had been vested from 1888 in the hands of a purely Jewish
committee. Finally, the official organisation of "free lance" German writers,
the Schutzverband deutscher Schriftsteller was controlled by a directorate
which, in 1928 and 1929, consisted of 90% Jews. Its president was at that time
the Jewish publicist Arnold Zweig, author of the war novel, "Streit um den
Sergeanten Grischa", in which he foully besmirche
In this connection it is necessary to examine the work and significance of
those Jews who for many years were regarded in Germany and abroad as the most
authentic apostles of German publicism. We refer in particular to Georg
Bernhard, Theodor Wolff and Maximilian Harden. All three were Jews. All three
were Journalists of surpassing technical skill, men who, through their
masterly handling of the written word alone, were well able to make "converts"
to the ideas they represented. But behind the winning exterior was hidden the
same dangerous spirit of denial of all traditional values, of criticism for
criticism's sake, the spirit of destruction, disintegration and instabilities
which we have been compelled to recognise as the main characteristics of Jewry
in all spheres.
It is exceptionally significant that Georg Bernhard s real profession was that
of banker and stock exchange financier. He belonged until shortly before the
Great War to social democracy, and his whole life displayed a remarkable
vacillation between two such contradictory things as stock exchange journalism
and Marxist activity. Then, in 1913, he was appointed chief editor of
Ullstein's Vossische Zeitung. In this position, in two different hours of
destiny in Germany s post-war history, he played a calamitous part:
In the critical weeks before the signing of the Versailles Treaty, when the
German people and its leaders well-nigh unanimously rejected the intolerable
and harsh conditions of that dictated peace, he made common cause with those
really comparatively few men of public influence who, through the medium of
the spoken and printed word, ruthlessly suppressed every flickering of the
spirit of national resistance, and thereby destroyed all hopes of securing
more bearable conditions. One requires only to glance at the old issue of the
Vossische Zeitung for those weeks and months to realise how systematically
Bernhard went about this work. Even the most humiliating terms of this treaty
-- the "War-Guilt" clause, he attempted to represent as a mere bagatelle. Thus
he wrote --to give only one example --on June 18th 1919:
"The German reader of the Note will most easily be able to reconcile himself
with those parts which deal with the historical origin of the war and with the
question of guilt for it ... if one regards the matter in this manner, one
cannot take the scolding in the war-guilt paragraph tragically."
With these words Bernhard attacked the German government from behind whilst
the latter was waging a dramatic struggle regarding these points of honour, in
particular the clause relating to war-guilt and the release of German
officers. It will be understood outside Germany as well that we cannot forget
such a betrayal of national interests, such a lack of proper pride and feeling
for honour as was displayed by the Jewish journalist Bernhard.
The second case, we already find Bernhard committing open criminal treason.
During the occupation of the Rhineland, there arose in the occupied zone a
movement, supported and forwarded for political reasons by foreign money,
which strove to prevent for ever the return of the occupied Rhineland to the
Reich, and to establish its complete independence. George Bernhard with the
got into contact with these Rhenesh separatists. The separatists received from
him political advice and financial support. In the year 1930, one of the
owners of Ullstein, the Jew Dr. Franz Ullstein, published this fact in the
periodical Tagebuch. He declared that Bernhard's agent in Paris, the Jew Dr.
Leo Stahl, had paid a sum of money to Matthes, the leader of the separatists
and that Bernhard himself had corresponded and associated with Matthes. The
political scandal forced Bernhard eventually to retire from political
journalism.
Theodor Wolff, the editor of the Berliner Tageblatt behaved in a different but
equally objectional manner. An apparently convinced monarchist during the war,
there was, after the change of constitution in Germany, no one who reviled and
slandered the deposed Hohenzollerns in so evil a manner as Wolff.
Even if we could forgive him such opportunism, quite inexcusable is his
behaviour at the time when the increasing spread of indecency and immorality
in Germany forced the government in 1926 to take constitutional steps for the
suppression of filthy and otherwise low-grate literature. The intention was,
above all, to protect youth from indecent influences. Theodor Wolff openly
opposed this effort. He condemned the new law and as a protest, resigned from
the democratic party which he had helped to found because they had supported
the new measure.
In order to understand the whole frivolous irresponsibility of this Jewish
publicist, one must know just how far the flooding of the German book and
periodical markets with dirty, pornographic productions had gone.
Still more influential than George Bernhard and Theodor Wolff, certainly the
mightiest man of the pen which Germany had for a generation, was Maximilian
Harden. With his periodical, Die Zukunft -The Future - he indulged in high
politics for more than twenty years. Hardly any other man has shown so much
fluctuation in character and principles as he. He began by setting himself up
as judge of morality in Imperial Germany and dealt a death blow to the
reputation of the monarchic system by his journalistic scandal mongering about
the Hohenzollern court. During the Great War he was certainly the only real
"annexationist" in Germany, demanding as the price of victory the whole of
Belgium, the French coast opposite England and the Congo Basin,(Vide Zukunft
of 17th October 1914). Then when the fortunes of war, in 1916 began to turn
away from Germany, Harden also retreated. He attacked German war policy and
became an enthusiastic admirer of President Wilson. I
Harden is rightly described by the world-renown historian, Friedrich Thimme,
as "The Judas of the German people."
Jews in German Art and Literature.
Many years before the National Socialist regime, indeed, even before the war
and prior to the period when Jewish emancipation had reached its climax,
anxious observers pointed out that cultural life in Germany hardly deserved
the epithet of "German" any more and that it had actually become a merely
Jewish sphere of activity. The crisis in German cultural life has never been
more aptly described and the Jewish problem has never been discussed in
clearer terms than in the article by the Jewish essayist Moritz Goldstein,
already published as early as 1912 in the Kunstward (issue dated March 1912),
a German Art magazine of very high standing.
Goldstein explains how the Jews, at the beginning of their emancipation,
generally invaded all branches of German cultural life and, as alert scholars,
soon commenced to supplant their masters. Goldstein gives the following
synopsis of the consequences resulting from this development:
"Jews suddenly filled all those positions which are not withheld from them by
force, they have converted German aims and tasks into their own and strive for
them accordingly. It seems as if German cultural life were to be completely
transferred into Jewish hands. This was neither anticipated nor desired by the
Christians at the time they granted the pariah in their midst a share in
European cultural life. They began to take defensive measures, they resumed
their custom of calling us aliens, they commenced to regard us as a danger in
the temple of their Art. Consequently we are now faced by the following
problem. We Jews guide and administrate the intellectual property of a nation
which denies our qualification and competency to do so."
Goldstein describes this Jewish administration and control of German art and
culture as a "prodigious fact." A retrospective examination of German
intellectual life as it was before 1933 will corroborate Goldstein's
testimony. In all spheres, be it on the stage, in literature, music painting
and the plastic arts, be it in the film or, in broadcasting, Jews always
occupied the leading positions, compelling all to follow their intellectual
guidance.
To take the theatre, for instance,--the Berlin stages, which, as the most
modern, are naturally always imitated by the theatres of all the provinces,
were all under Jewish management. The choice of the programmes was made
according to an entirely Jewish outlook and the result was that Jewish authors
predominated. 61
The Jews in German Political Life.
In Imperial Germany the Jews did not play any important roles in the political
life of the country, that is to say, not in so far as they were in possession
of important key positions. But this state of affairs changed radically with
the outbreak of the 1918 revolution and the introduction of the new
constitution. There is no need here to examine the question of whether this
new structure was in line with the governing political ideas of Jewry. The
facts, however, are that with the commencement of November 1918, a veritable
rush was made by the Jews to capture the leading key positions in the Reich
and in the federal states.
Among the six so-called "Representatives of the People" who formed the first
Reich Government after the collapse, there were two Jews, Hugo Haase and Otto
Landsberg. Kurt Eisner, a Jew, headed the list as Minister-President in
Bavaria; in Prussia the Jew Paul Hirsch assumed a similar function. The first
Reich government established in 1919 on a parliamentary basis contained five
Jews. Many of the most important departments in the Reich ministries were
controlled by Jews.
To thoroughly appreciate the significance of the fact, one must bear in mind,
that Jewish usurpation of political leadership commenced with the beginning of
an epoch of political weakness which, in foreign affairs led to complete
surrender and shameful servility; in the domestic sphere to complete disunion
and disruption. Even the loss of the Great War, which naturally had to lead to
a profound change in Germany's position abroad and in her domestic affairs as
well, is certainly no sufficient excuse or explanation. Opinion abroad, when
dealing with that particular period, will agree that a more dignified attitude
would have been helpful in improving the German position. on the other hand,
the servile and defeatist policy of the German Jewish politicians commanded
nothing but contempt and only served to accentuate German's national shame and
misery.
Those particular Jewish politicians were also in no way satisfied that a
change from constitutional monarchy to a parliamentary-republican regime had
taken place in German affairs. This is testified to by the Jewish author,
Rudolf Schay, in his book "Juden in der deutschen Politik", (Jews in German
Politics) published in 1926. He states:
"Among the elements who carry on the revolution, and will not accept a free
and bourgeois and a democratic-republican order, but who insist on the
complete fulfilment of all social demands, Jews have played a dominant role;
viz: Rosa Luxemburg, Eisner and Landauer ...."
This complete fulfilment of all socialist demands was nothing else than a
realisation of the communist manifest inspired and dictated by the Jew Karl
Marx. But that was only possible by complete surrendering all national ideas
and interests of the German nation.
.......The percentage of Jewish social-democratic Reichstag deputies totalled
22% in 1924 while the percentage of Jewish communist deputies was given as 15%
in the same year. Here is well to emphasise that Jews totalled barely 1% of
the whole German population.
The following is the list of Jews elected to the Reichstag in 1924, as members
of the Social-Democrat Party:.
In the same year, the communist Party returned the following Jews as members:.
In 1932, Jewry in the Marxist parties was represented in the Reichstag by the
following Jewish members etc.
It was natural therefore that this influx of Jews in the Reichstag should have
its effect on government in the Reich itself and in the federal states.
When taking this all-powerful Jewish influence in all Marxist organisations
and parties into account, it is no longer surprising that the policy of the
social democrats was shaped and influenced entirely by their Jewish leaders.
Therefore, we see once more the same spirit of defeatism and treachery in
which we have already referred..
After the November 1918 collapse, nearly all the Radical leaders with
Bolshevik tendencies were Jews. They took a prominent and for Germany
disastrous part in the peace negotiations, to which reference has already been
made.
In communism, which is the extreme form of Marxism, Jewish domination became
particularly marked. Its leaders and propagandists were almost exclusively
Jews. The "Spartacists League", founded in 1918 as a forerunner to the
communist party, was in charge of Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg. This
league was modelled on true Soviet lines and called on the proletariat to arm
in those days of terror which followed the collapse of the nation. The
league's Moscow agent was the Jew, Leo Jpgiches (formerly known as Tyschko).
After a systematic preparation by the German and Russian Jews, chaos and
indescribable horror was finally let loose by them on the German nation,
culminating at Munich. Here again it was a Jew, Kurt Eisner, an author, who
played the part of leader and organiser. In 1917, when Germany was still
fighting for her existence, he had already agitated for strikes and
revolution. Eisner founded a Workers' Council at Munich on strictly Bolshevik
.......Jews also took a prominent part in the work of planning the 1918
revolution in Germany which finally, led to the collapse of the entire western
front.
It was Dr. Oscar Cohn, the social-democratic deputy who early in November 1918
accepted the sum of four million gold roubles from M. Joffe, the
Soviet-Russian ambassador to Berlin in those days, and also a Jew. The money
was intended to finance the German Revolution. Hugo Haase, a Jewish Reichstag
deputy, was the master-mind behind the Sailors' revolt at Kiel, which was the
signal for general revolution throughout Germany. At the national meeting of
protest held on May 12, 1919, when it was unanimously decided to vote against
signing the peace terms, it was the Jew Haase, as leader of the Independent
Social Democrats, who alone insisted on accepting the terms.
It is not possible to conclude this chapter of Jewish defeatism without
mentioning the following: It is true that there were also numbers of
non-Jewish Germans who both during and after the war committed treason on
strictly Jewish lines. But the Jewish percentage in this dastardly political
work is not only relative but incomparably higher. In fact, the percentage is
so abnormal great, that the list of non-Jewish perpetrators is almost
insignificant. Seeking for an explanation of this curious fact one finds that
Jews is outwardly as well inwardly completely rootless; on the basis of its
racial habits and is historical past it recognises no ties which can in any
way be connected with love for a homeland.
At the same time, however, the political attitude of the Jews clearly shows up
the glaring ingratitude, which they have demonstrated in Germany. There is no
country where the requirements of Jewish emancipation have been more justly
fulfilled than in Germany; and there is no another country in which Jews were
so accommodatingly allowed to fill positions in the public services. But in no
other country in the world have Jews in times of severe national distress
played such an inglorious, destructive and treacherous role as in Germany.
But the Jews consistently ignored the rules of fair play as far as their
credulous German partner was concerned. The overwhelming majority of them
never desired to be merged in the German nation, because they were aware of
the fact that their racial dissimilarity constituted an insuperable obstacle
to assimilation. During the years of great tribulation they never hesitated to
betray Germany, and to shamelessly misuse the opportunities afforded them in
such abundance for their own egoistical purposes and interests. Defeatism and
treason, political degradation and economic corruption, moral depravity, the
debasement of all national and religious values - these were the outstanding
features of a Germany dominated by the alien Jewish race.
Germany had to pay dearly for the illusion that it is possible to solve the
Jewish question by means of a generous effort to assimilate the Jews. She had
reckoned without a factor of decisive importance: namely, the congenital,
ingrained, boundless ingratitude of the Jewish race. Not the least of the
reasons for the uncompromising attitude of German anti-Semitism - an attitude
that has often been misunderstood abroad - is the glaring contrast,
irrefutably evidenced by the events of the past decades, between the
incontestable good faith of the Germans and the cynical ingratitude of the
Jews.
That this contrast, so to speak, the nucleus of the whole Jewish problem, has
been publicly admitted by two leading Jews. The Chief Rabbi of Hamburg, Dr.
Joseph Karlebach, wrote in the Jewish review Der Morgen (vol. II, p. 129,
1930) :
"To the Jew, is to be opposed to the natural attitude of human beings."
The French Jew Bernard Lazare, who was well known at the close of the last
century, was even more candid in his book " L' Antisemitisme", in which he
puts the question: "By what qualities or defects has the Jew drawn upon
himself such universal reprobation? Why has he alternately and in equal
measure been maltreated and hated by Egyptians and Romans, by Persians and
Arabs, by Turks and Christian nations? It is because the Jew is everywhere,
and right down to the present day has remained, an asocial being."
When the National Socialists came into power in 1933, they endeavoured to
solve the Jewish question by methods calculated to peacefully reduce the
excessive influence of the Jews on public life to proportions compatible,
firstly, with the position of the Jews as an alien race, and, secondly, with
their number which was less than 1 per cent of the total German population.
When the amount of misfortune brought on Germany by the Jews prior to 1933 is
recalled, the methods adopted to diminish their influence on German public
life must be accounted remarkably moderate.
The Nuremberg Laws of 1935 formed the basis of a peaceful and orderly
settlement of the Jewish question in Germany. But the Jews themselves were not
prepared to reckon with the incontestable fact that their era of emancipation
in Germany was definitely at an end. They were not willing to abandon their
usurped supremacy without a struggle, and since this was no longer possible in
Germany itself, they deliberately stirred up an agitation abroad, hardly less
dangerous than an openly proclaimed war. By means of a consistently
carried-out poisoning of the sources of public opinion, they have succeeded in
creating a caricature of National Socialism Germany and inflaming
international opinion against the latter. By organising a boycott of German
goods, they have endeavoured to throttle Germany economically. They even gone
so far as to reply to the measures of the National Socialist Government by the
assassination of Wilhelm Gustloff and Ernst von Rath.The world-embracing
associations and interests of Jewry as an international power, as well as the
asocial spirit animating it, could not be evidenced in more convincing manner
than by its success in putting the whole world instantaneously, so to speak,
into movement against National Socialist Germany. For the world has taken very
much less notice of processes of elimination carried out elsewhere on a far
greater scale. Who has championed the cause of those millions of Russians
driven from their land by the Bolshevist revolution, or who, unable to escape
in time, were tortured and massacred? Who ever spent a thought on the Germans
in the Baltic States, 80 per cent were forced to emigrate after the Great War,
and who to a large extent are condemned to a life of perpetual hardship in
foreign countries?
On the other hand, wherever the interest of even a single Jew are affected,
international Jewry howls for redress and assistance until international peace
is seriously menaced by its bellowing.
Germany knows full well where the source of the everlasting disquiet is to be
found, which perpetually enervates the world and effectively prevents the
realisation of all efforts to reach international understanding and peace. The
German Government, conscious of its responsibilities, has drawn the logical
conclusion, and surely and definitely eliminated all Jewish influence, of
whatever nature it may be, at home. It has contributed, for its part, to
getting rid of an element, which, in the words of the illustrious historian
Theodor Mommsen, is "an operative ferment of national disintegration."
Wer behauptet, glaubt oder irrtuemlicherweise
annimmt, daß Kabbalistik, Blutrituale und der
oftmals vorhandene Wahnsinn im modernen
Judentum von heute ausgestorben ist, irrt in
erschreckender Weise. Speziell letztere
Eigenschaft manifestiert sich auf Grund des im
juedischen Volk durch Inzucht bedingte
vererbare Krankheit, das Tay Sachs Syndrom,
in haeufigen Selbstmord, Wahnvorstellungen
und geistiger Umnachtung.
Return
to Top of Other Interesting Topics
PEACENOTWAR MAKEFRIENDNOTENEMY FEAR ALLAH NOT MAN.ISLAM MEANS PEACE.ISLAM FOR ALL. MUSLIMS ARE NOT TERRORIST AND TERRORIST ARE NOT MUSLIM.PLEASE BE INFORMED THAT ALL PICTURES AND TEXT IN THIS BLOG ARE TAKEN FROM THE WEB UNDER FAIR USE TREATY AND FOR MY PERSONAL COLLECTION.IF THEIR OWNERS DO NOT LIKE THEIR PICTURES OR ARTICLES APPEAR IN THIS BLOG,PLEASE CONTACT ME TO DELETE..THANKS.
No comments:
Post a Comment